April 18.—Governor-General Frank Murphy announces that José Paez, general manager of the Manila Railroad Company, will be named president of the Company to succeed the late Joseph E. Mills.
Brig.-Gen. Basilio J. Valdes takes the oath as Chief of Constabulary.
April 19.—The United States Senate passes the Jones-Costigan sugar control bill which now goes to a joint committee. Sen. R. S. Copeland, after offering an amendment that fails to pass declares: “It is little short of scandalous to discriminate against our colonial possessions. We don’t know how to handle them. Our record is outrageous in our treatment of our islands. We have hauled down the flag in the Island of Pines, mistreated the Philippines, and now propose to legislate against Hawaii and Puerto Rico”. .
Resident Commissioner Pedro Guevara protests in the House of Representatives against “a series of contemporary legislative events affecting the Philippines in a manner that should prove disturbing to the conscience of America.”
A minority coalition of Nacionalistas and Democratas starts a movement for immediate independence in view of the probable passage of adverse Congressional legislation, but majority leaders will make no move at least for the present to ask for anymore than what the Tydings-McDuffie Act grants.
April 20.—R. G. Macleod, Superintendent of the Philippine School of Arts and Trades, retires after 30 years of service.
April 21.—L. L. McCandless, delegate from Hawaii, declares that the Jones-Costigan bill violates the constitutional rights of Hawaii and is equivalent to “legislating the Territory out of the United States and treating it as a possession or foreign country.”
April 22.—Senate President Manuel L. Quezon, en route to the Philippines, tells a Japanese audience that the Philippines after independence “hopes to maintain ties of closest amity with the United States forever for reasons of genuine friendship as well as gratitude”. He says that the Tydings-McDuffie Act represents the fulfillment of American pledges and is “convincing proof of America’s desire to promote the peace of the world”. Pressed by reporters to say whether the Philippines would recognize Manchukuo, he replies that it is impossible to discuss policies of the Philippine Government before it is formed.
Rep. Manuel Roxas, returning from the Bisayas, states that widespread unrest prevails in many provinces as a result of the threatened passage of the retroactive Jones-Costigan bill and the coconut oil excise tax, which has created a panic among planters and laborers and business circles in general.
April 23.—Reported that the War Department has ordered the Army Medical Research Board, with headquarters in the Bureau of Science, to Panama. The Board was organized in 1922 and has done important work here in the study of various tropical fevers, amoebic and bacillary dysentery, and beri-beri.
The Robert Dollar Steamship Company announces that it has received information from the U. S. Bureau of Immigration that Filipinos arriving in the United States after the acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act will be considered as coming under the quota provisions of that act which limit Philippine immigration to 50 a year—not including officials, travelers, or students.
The Governor-General appoints Dr. Alejandro Albert, Under-Secretary of Public Instruction, acting Commissioner of Health to succeed Brig.-Gen. Valdes, recently appointed Chief of Constabulary.
The Board of Regents of the University of the Philippines approves a greatly reduced budget for 1934-35. Five professors, two associate professors, four assistant professors, and some thirty instructors and assistants will be retired.
Maj.-Gen. Frank Parker, Commanding Officer of the Philippine Department, U. S. Army, returns to Manila from a brief visit to Indo-China.
April 24.—News is received that President Franklin D. Roosevelt has approved the lumber code which in effect restricts shipments of Philippine lumber to the United States to approximately 14,000,000 feet for six months, a cut of about 10,000,000 feet from normal. The quotas established are for six months and subject to later adjustment.
J. W. Haussermann, in an address before a veteran’s organization, declares that it will be the sacred duty and obligation of Americans and the United States to help the Philippines maintain its independence when established and the Western culture implanted here.
April 25.—Congress passes the Jones-Costigan sugar control bill.
Senate and House conferees agree to give the Philippines the benefit of a two-cent differential in the proposed excise tax on coconut oil by reporting a bill carrying a three-cent tax on coconut oil from the Philippines and a five-cent tax on oil from other areas. This would give the Philippines a virtual monopoly, but it is stated that the increased price would lead to a radical reduction in the use of coconut oil.
Theodore Roosevelt, former Governor-General, calls attention to the strategic position of the Philippines and says that recent official statements of the Japanese bring the realization that the United States has never properly considered the international political status of a free Philippines and has not thought of the general international significance of recent Philippine legislation. “Americans have ignored the dominating position of the Philippines in the trade routes of the world.”
Reported that neither Sen. M. E. Tydings nor Rep. John McDuffie may be able to go to the Philippines shortly to investigate conditions there due to the illness of near relatives.
Reported that the Filipinos now en route to the United States may be temporarily admitted after May 1, the date set for the acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act.
The Governor-General protests against the retroactive provision in the Jones-Costigan sugar bill as this would leave the Philippines with a large surplus and the industry would be forced to shut down entirely for one season, creating very serious financial and social difficulties. He suggests that the quota years be made coincident with the United States fiscal year which begins on July 1.
Announced that the malaria division of the Rockefeller Foundation, with headquarters in the Bureau of Science, will be transferred to Calcutta. It is stated that the move has no political significance and that the work of the division is about finished.
Quezon, speaking in Shanghai, predicts that the Commonwealth of the Philippines will be established within a year and that there will be a Filipino chief executive by April, 1935. He admits that the Philippines could not build up an armed force adequate to prevent invasion before 50 years. “We must rely on world good will, especially of the United States and Far Eastern nations.” “The United States had the opportunity to use the Philippines selfishly, but instead developed the country and gave it freedom. Such altruism can not but affect the entire world.”
April 26.—Reported that the President will delay signing the sugar bill to consider complaints of the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico.
An editor is stabbed and athletes are assaulted in Tokyo by a gang of ultra-nationalists who object to Japan’s taking part in the Far Eastern Olympic Games at Manila in view of the non-admission of Manchukuo. Premier Saito tells the Cabinet that the Government approves Japan’s participation and is helping to pay the expenses of the athletes.
April 28.—A rubber shoe factory is opened in Manila capable of producing 3,000 pairs of shoes a day. The principal backer is said to be Tomas Geronimo, Manila business man, but Japanese technicians will supervise the work and Japanese materials will be used.
April 29.—Guevara states that a United States protectorate over the projected Philippine Republic would be preferable to neutralization which would confuse the status of the Islands and lead to international complications.
The Governor-General announces the appointment of U. S. Trade Commissioner E. D. Hester as resident economic adviser effective May 1. He has been given a year’s furlough by the Department of Commerce. His place as trade commissioner will be taken by Carl Boehringer from the office of the American Trade Commissioner at Singapore.
April 30.—Guevara in a letter to the President declares that the “acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act marks the beginning of the winding up or liquidation of our sugar industry as well as our other tariff-protected industries. We shall be going out of business, closing shop, and going bankrupt. We do not want to do this, but we are forced into it. . . . The Philippines has been comparatively silent, overwhelmed by the impending blow to her sugar industry by both the Jones-Costigan measure and the Tydings-McDuffie Act. By all the principles that are American and humanitarian, the Philippines is entitled at this critical juncture to more than perfunctory treatment at the hands of the American Government.” Tydings is reported as stating: “The Act is a far-reaching measure, necessarily involving economic rearrangements and possibly hardships. We fervently desire to keep the hardships at a minimum, to effect the transition so as to maintain the bonds of friendship. I congratulate the Filipinos on this memorable day.”
The Tenth Philippine Independence Mission returns to Manila and is given a notable reception, prominent minority leaders, however, being absent. Quezon states in an address on the Luneta that the United States has fulfilled its solemn pledges, that the new law contains substantial amendments to the defunct Hawes-Cutting Act, that there still remain “several objectionable features,” and that, while he is “not prepared to make any promises that they will be amended”, the President of the United States has said that “where imperfections or irregularities exist, I am confident they can be corrected after proper hearing and in fairness to both peoples”. “I am sure that Congress is anxious to do us justice and, in time, we have every reason to believe that Congress will do so provided we can convince it that we are right”. “Let us not waste our time in useless political bickerings. . . . Never in our history have we been confronted with a situation so hopeful, yet so arduous and difficult. . . . Let us not fool ourselves that freedom and independence always carry with them happiness and prosperity and that once independent we will be happy and prosperous without any effort on our part. How many peoples of other free nations are now suffering from hunger, starvation, and abuses. Such nations are independent but they have not known how to use their powers for the good of the people but only for the well being of the few. Philippine independence which it is our privilege to achieve and our duty to pass on to our children and our children’s children, imposes on us the sacred obligation of considering ways and means of assuring the happiness and welfare of our people and their safety under the Republic to be organized. Of what value would it be . . . to have the right to manage our own affairs, if such right lasts only for a few years, if we can not pass it on to our posterity? Let us devote ourselves to a study of domestic and international problems . . . consecrate ourselves to the service of our people. Above everything else, let us thank Almighty God who at last has given us the opportunity of taking our place in the concert of free nations and whose aid and guidance will be necessary to us now and forever more for the success of our people.”
The Ninth Philippine Legislature opens in special session at 11:00 and Quezon after a brief conference with majority leaders proceeds to Malacañang to pay his respects to the Governor-General.
At the afternoon session, opening at 4:00, Quezon and Senator Sergio Osmeña are both applauded as they enter, as was former Speaker Manuel Roxas in the morning. The Governor-General upon entering is given an ovation, and his address is frequently applauded. He declares: “You have been assembled here today in special session to consider and take action on an Act of Congress whose object, according to its title, is to provide for the complete independence of the Philippine Islands and for the adoption of a constitution and a form of government. Upon my arrival at Manila on June 15th last, speaking of the Act then under discussion, I announced a purpose to leave the question of its acceptance to the free and uncontrolled choice of the Filipino people. That has been my undeviating policy and still is. This special meeting of the Legislature during its closing weeks has been summoned only because of a desire to provide time for adequate consideration and discussion of the measure that has been placed before you; and in the event of an affirmative decision thereon, to facilitate the proper and deliberate exercise and discharge of the very important rights, privileges, and duties created by that measure. It was also my concern and purpose to prevent or minimize the risk of involuntary non-compliance with its provisions and the unintentional forfeiture and lapse of the rights conferred through unexpected delay in the required legislative and administrative processes. . . . . Tomorrow marks another anniversary of the memorable victory of the American naval forces in Manila Bay. That was an event of supreme significance in the promise it contained for the political future of the Filipino people. That promise has now been consummated in a manner that is probably without precedent in the colonial policies of great nations by a formal enactment that confirms in unmistakable fashion the noble and unselfish purposes of the American people in establishing their sovereignty over these Islands. America has given proof to the world by practical demonstration that altruism may be not merely an ideal but a reality in the foreign policy of a great nation. The recent and prevailing economic disturbance in the United States, far more serious than anything we have experienced here, has brought to the fore an apparent conflict of interest between certain economic groups in that country and the more important Philippine industries. This has given rise, perhaps quite naturally, to a certain degree of confusion and doubt with respect to the real motives that have inspired and made possible this action of the American Government. The coincidence of recent protective aims and measures with the initiation of the final steps in the brilliant and glorious campaign of Philippine development and liberation should not be permitted to cloud our perspective. If economic factors have entered and played a part in the framing and adoption of the final act of liberation, this and the preparatory work that preceded it have been fundamentally conditioned and sustained and inspired by the political idealism and altruism of the American people. The eventual freedom and independence of the Philippines have been a definite ideal of our people for more than a generation. . . . In these troublous days since the World War, when other men and other nations have turned their minds away from the great principles of democracy and self-government, America has remained steadfast to those principles. She has kept the faith for herself and for others. The Philippines, if they choose to accept this measure, will eventually have achieved freedom and independence, and the priceless assurances of individual liberty and democracy provided therein, without bloodshed or burdensome expenditure, not through the workings of selfish economic forces as some believe, but because it is the profound conviction of the plain people of America that other peoples have the same moral right to these things that they once claimed and dearly won for themselves.” The Governor-General next pays a tribute to the men who have sponsored the cause of Philippine independence in Congress, “to the able efforts of Secretary of War Dern, and to President Roosevelt for his powerful and effective leadership at the final moment and his staunch support of Philippine interests generally;” also to the Americans of an earlier day, both civil and military, who “labored valiantly and wholeheartedly in making the country ready for the day when freedom should strike” and to “those Filipino patriots who have fought and suffered and died to realize that which may now be attained”, and to “the representatives of the Philippine Government and this Legislature who have given able and distinguished advocacy to their country’s cause.” “The ultimate decision on the question before us, as we all know, must be made by the Filipino people when they pass on the work of a constitutional assembly convened in accordance with the law. Such a decision must be based on truth and understanding. It is preeminently a time for candor and tolerance, for frank and fair speech without fear or intimidation. It is equally a time for courage and faith, faith in self, faith in our fellow men, faith in country. In the days to come there-should be no divisions or enmities based on differences of race, or birth, or creed or color. This country will have need of all loyal men and women. . . . With charity in our hearts, with good will and tolerance for all, with serene confidence in the Divine Providence that insures our destiny, let us boldly choose our course and follow it with unwavering loyalty.”
After the Governor-General’s message, Quezon reads a brief report of the achievements of the Independence Mission, stating that when he found that neither his own recommendations or the King bill had any chance of approval, he expressed his willingness to support a bill that “would eliminate the military reservation clause from the defunct Hawes-Cutting law and grant complete independence to the Philippine Islands, the question of naval bases to be left to future negotiations between the Government of the United States and the future Philippine Republic. It was also understood that under this proposal the provisions of the Hawes-Cutting law which had been objected to by the Legislature would later be considered by a committee that will conduct hearings thereon in the Philippine Islands. The chairman of the delegation declared frankly that he would only give his support to such a bill, however, if the majority of the delegates and the leaders and members of the majority in the Legislature would give him the authority. All the members of the delegation, excepting the Hon. Isauro Gabaldon, and the majority leaders and members of the Legislature present in Manila gave their necessary consent to this plan. Senator Tydings on his part secured the endorsement of the plan from the members of the Ninth Legislative Mission. . . . The delegation recommends that the law be accepted by this Legislature.” The report is signed by Manuel L. Quezon, Elpidio Quirino, and Isauro Gabaldon.
In reply to the Quezon plea for national unity, Osmeña issues a statement saying that he has “always advocated concerted national action and therefore favors efforts directed toward the promotion of the supreme interests of the nation”.
At a popular banquet given in the evening, Quezon states that among the major problems to be faced are the economic in the solution of which capital will play a large part. He declares the Filipinos should give all encouragement possible to both outside and domestic capital and that proper guarantees should be given for its protection. Veterans of the revolution, industrial and labor leaders, women leaders, and sugar men pledge their support, although all give evidence that they expect serious consequences to follow the acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act. Quezon states again that he expects improvement of the economic provisions laid down in the Act.
Rafael Alunan, president of the Philippine Sugar Association, who returns with the Mission, declares that the “bitter feeling” in the United States against Philippine products is largely the result of a well-financed campaign waged by American interests in Cuba which “our people have failed to counteract; we have neglected to inform the American people of the real significance and importance of Philippine-American trade relations.” He states that we should take immediate action toward forming a more favorable opinion in the United States with regard to trade relations which should be maintained even after independence.
Alexander Hume Ford, director of the Pan-Pacific Union, arriving with the Mission, states that there is likelihood that twenty years from now either the American flag or the Japanese flag will be flying over the Islands. He says that no country in the world really recognizes the neutrality of other countries.
The Philippine Chamber of Commerce cables Washington that the two-cent coconut oil tax differential would be of little advantage as the greatly increased price of oil would result in the curtailment of its use.
Fourteen Philippine Scouts, U. S. Army, are retired after thirty years service, a regimental parade being held in their honor.
May 1.—The Philippine Legislature unanimously accepts the Tydings-McDuffie Act at 11:10 A. M., coincident with the thirty-sixth anniversary of the Battle of Manila Bay. The resolution of acceptance reads in part: “. . . .Whereas, although the Philippine Legislature believes that certain provisions of said Act need further consideration, the said Legislature deems it as its duty to accept the proffer of independence thus made by the Government of the United States: (a) Because the Filipino people can not, consistent with its national dignity and love of freedom, decline to accept the independence the said Act grants; (b) And because the President of the United States in his message to Congress on March 2nd, 1934, recommending the enactment of said law, stated: ‘I do not believe that other provisions of the original law need be changed at this time; where imperfections and inequalities exist, I am confident that they can be corrected after proper hearing and in fairness to both people”—a statement which gives the Filipino people reasonable assurance of further hearing and due consideration of their views; Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Philippine Senate concurring, That Public Act Numbered One hundred twenty-seven of the Seventy-Third Congress of the United States, entitled “An act to provide for the complete independence of the Philippine Islands, to provide for the adoption of a constitution and a form of government for the Philippine Islands, and for other purposes”, commonly known as the McDuffie-Tydings Law, be, as it is hereby, accepted by the Philippine Legislature in accordance with the provisions of Section 17 thereof; Resolved, further, that the Philippine Legislature, in its own behalf and in behalf of the Filipino people, express, as it does hereby express, its appreciation and everlasting gratitude to the President and Congress of the United States and the American people.”
After the acceptance of the law, Quezon speaks in part as follows: “I rise in behalf of a grateful nation. . . . We see in this law the fruition of American altruism. . . . The act is the crowning glory of America’s work in the Philippines, started with the highest motives, carried forward by high-minded and unselfish men, and now about to reach its culmination in that same altruistic spirit which inspired it at its inception. . . . With the acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act we have taken one more step forward in our onward march to the realization of our national ideal. . . . In this solemn moment, let there be no exultation of victory. Let it be a moment of consecration. Let us not forget our heroes who died to insure for us the blessings of freedom. To them, as well as to General Aguinaldo . . . to the other surviving veterans of our glorious revolution, to President McKinley who instituted a liberal policy here, to President Wilson during whose administration the Jones Act was enacted, to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, to all the senators and representatives who have taken special interest in the cause of Philippine independence, to the Congress of the United States, and finally, to all those who helped in building up this country to what it is today, the undying gratitude of the Filipino people.”
Osmeña being called upon to speak, speaks in Spanish, saying in part: “Certainly this is a solemn occasion. The cause which has made us assemble is grave and serious. We Filipinos are deeply grateful for the generous action taken by the Congress in giving us the opportunity to be independent. We members of the present Legislature have cause to be proud of having been the instruments of Providence in that we have been allowed to take charge temporarily of the affairs of our government in this memorable epoch; but we would not be just if we were to claim for ourselves all the credit of the great task that has just been achieved. In truth, this work of emancipation and liberty is of such magnitude, its process has been so long and difficult, that no man or group of men of our country has any right to claim that it is exclusively his or its own. . . . It is gratifying to see that the constitutional representatives of our people have been enabled to express in the most solemn manner their acceptance of independence offered us by America without division of any kind. . . With the acceptance of the proffer of independence reiterated in the Tydings-McDuffie Act and originally embodied in the Hawes-Cutting-Hare Act, which the Tydings-McDuffie Act revived and extended, we shall witness the resurgence in the Far East of a new tree of freedom, a strong offshoot of the great tree planted by George Washington. Let us strew at this supreme hour of new and tremendous responsibilities on the tombs of so many unknown heroes of war and peace the flowers of our love and gratitude for all who worked and fought before our time, and let us also offer our most sincere gratitude to the American people who, if thirty-six years ago they were great in victory, are greater in this hour of peace, justice, and magnanimity for having solemnly fulfilled the pledge that they came and occupied these Islands not to exploit and enslave them, but to free them.”
In the morning, Roxas delivered an address on the Act in part as follows: “No one can speak on the resolution now before us without being burdened by feelings of the deepest concern. . . . We must answer in behalf of our people whether or not we shall accept national liberty under the terms and conditions the Independence Act provides. . . . We can not fail to realize that an uncertain fate awaits our country whether we accept the law or not. The whole world is in a turmoil, humanity is in upheaval, and all nations are looking forward cautiously. . . . Long after we who sit in this chamber have turned to dust, our children will read in history of these solemn hours and the words we utter will be judged by them. . . In the midsts of our perplexities we can draw comfort from the fact that there is practical unanimity among our people and their representatives concerning the action we should take. We shall attest to it by our votes on the pending resolution. This will prove there is unity in our national purposes. It will show that our aim is the same. We want independence. By the passage of this resolution we will have the right immediately to take the steps leading to that goal. This is the road we will follow and I trust we will follow it with undaunted faith, relying fully on ourselves and on our own capabilities. From that course there must be, there will be no turning back. I will vote for the acceptance of the Independence Act. Those of us who advocated the acceptance of the Hawes-Cutting Law are impelled at once by consistency and profound conviction to take this stand. . . . We find the expanding horizon that unfolds before our eyes darkened by the intricate problems of readjustment and reconstruction that immediately will confront us. We will be beset by many difficulties. Let us have no illusions about the matter; we will have to face innumerable trials that will test to the limit the solidarity of our people, our self-discipline, and our capacity for determined, purposeful action. We shall need stoutness of heart, serenity of spirit, and the best statesmanship we can command. . . .”
Guevara confirms to the House the acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act in Manila and expresses “our profound gratitude for this new grant. It will establish everlasting friendship and cordial understanding between the United States and the Philippines.”
McDuffie states that the proposed excise tax on Philippine oil is “a breach of faith on the part of the parent government” and that it places the President in an embarrassing position. Guevara states: “This tax offsets the benevolent and altruistic aims of the American people in their desire to create a new nation in the Far East.”
May 2.—President Roosevelt and Secretary of War Dern cable their congratulations to the Filipino people through the Governor-General. The President characterizes the acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie Act as an “expression of confidence in the people of the United States and in Congress on the part of the Filipino people”. Dern states that “many vital adjustments in the economic relations between the United States and the Philippines will be necessary during the pre-independence period and that the United States Government is under the moral obligation to continue to cooperate so as to enable the Filipinos to adjust their social and economic problems with a view to insuring the stability of their institutions.” He declares the Act is practically a treaty between the United States and the Philippines which must be faithfully observed by both.
Secretary of the Navy Claude Swanson says that the navy would not want any bases in the Philippines which in the event of war would require an army to defend them, but only bases which the navy could defend.” Asked whether it was the plan to abandon the Philippine bases in the event of war, he says: “It might be, and again it might not”.
The Washington Post editorially throws doubt on the effectiveness of an international agreement to guarantee the neutrality of an independent Philippines, pointing out that the integrity of China has been similarly guaranteed for the last twelve years.
Henry B. Day, vice-consul at Honkong, is assigned to Manila to take charge of regulating Filipino emigration to the United States. The Filipinos now en route will be allowed to enter and to remain at least temporarily, it is announced.
May 3.—The Senate approves the revenue bill still containing the three-cent tax on Philippine coconut oil. Tydings states this provision is unfair and dishonest and is an attempt “by some political farmers here in Washington to tax one class of people under the American flag to help another class under the same flag”.
A group of fifteen Japanese economists and business men arrive in the Philippines to study trade opportunities.
Director Teopisto Guingona of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes states that in Bukidnon he “noticed for the first time a great number of new Japanese stores established there. I do not know whether they are there just for commercial purposes. Bukidnon is the key to the whole of Mindanao. Through Bukidnon, access to any part or point of Mindanao is easy.”
Brig.-Gen. Basilio J. Valdes takes over command of the Constabulary. Lieut;-Col. Juan C. Quimbo, superintendent of the Intelligence Division, is promoted to District Commander of the Visayas, and Maj. Benito D. Valeriano is named head of intelligence. Col. Charles E. Livingstone is made Inspector General. Maj. Victoriano Luna will take the place of General Valdes as Chief of the Medical Corps. The new Chief of Staff is Col. Guillermo B. Francisco.
May 4.—Governor James Fugate of Sulu informs the deputy governors of the province of correspondence that has passed between Director Guingona and the Sultan of Sulu defining the latter’s spiritual jurisdiction and declaring that neither the Sultan nor his representatives are authorized to impose fines except in certain religious cases purely as an indemnity to the parties involved, and also that they may not impose correctional punishment. Contributions to the Mohammedan church must be voluntary and religious power may only be exercised over those who voluntarily submit themselves to it. There has been some misunderstanding as to the powers of the representatives of the Sultan who have even attempted trial of criminal cases.
May 5.—The special session of the Philippine Legislature adjourns after passing a number of bills and resolutions and the constitutional convention bill which provides for the election of delegates on June 26 to meet on July 4, but if these dates are found impracticable, the Governor-General may fix the election on a date not later than July 16 and the date of the opening of the convention not later than July 30. There are to be 208 delegates, comprising two from each representative district and for Baguio and each of the sub-provinces of the Mountain Province. Mindanao and Sulu are to send two delegates each. Government officials and employees subject to the Civil Service are not eligible. The position of delegate is to be honorary, but delegates not connected with the Government may receive a P5.00 per diem. Inspectors during the convention election are to receive P3.00 a day. A total of P500.000 is appropriated for the total expenses. The Legislature adopted two resolutions of protest, one against the coconut oil excise tax and the other against the Costigan-Jones sugar bill. It also adopted a resolution inviting a committee of Congress to visit the Philippines to conduct hearings on the economic provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act and setting aside P30,000 for the expenses of the visiting congressmen. Another resolution adopted requests the Governor-General to reduce assessments on coconut lands by not less than 60 per cent and on abaca, maguey, and rice lands not less then 30 per cent. In a closing speech Quezon praises the minority for its friendly coöperation and Osmeña expresses his satisfaction over the just and fair manner in which the minority had been treated. Speaker Quintin Paredes and Rep. E. T. Tirona makes similar remarks in the House.
Sen. R. S. Copeland attacks the sugar bill as laying a penalty of a half billion dollars on American housewives and sending American colonial possessions to the poorhouse “to bolster up the beet-sugar business”.
Twenty-seven Javanese athletes together with four officials arrive in Manila to represent the Netherlands Indies at the Olympic Games.
May 6.—Guingona criticizes the fact that Mindanao and Sulu are given so little representation in the constitutional convention as compared with the Mountain Province.
May 7.—The Governor-General releases figures showing that the deficits in the consolidated funds of the central government, totalling over P20,000,000 for the three preceding years (1930, 31, 32) were wiped out and a small surplus of approximately P500,000 laid up for 1933.
The Governor-General has written to all provincial governors urging them to make every possible effort to raise the maximum amount of funds for schools locally as otherwise it would be necessary to close many schools in June.
One hundred thirty-two Japanese athletes, 31 officials, and 11 newspapermen arrive in Manila for the Olympics.
May 8.—The Chinese Olympic delegation, consisting of 134 athletes, 23 of them women, 29 officials, and 15 guests, headed by the noted former foreign minister, Dr. C. T. Wang, arrive in Manila.
May 9.—The President signs the Jones-Costigan sugar control bill, effective January 1 in spite of protests against this retroactive feature. The measure makes sugar a “basic commodity” under the Agricultural Relief Act, subject to a processing tax, and provides for quotas limiting sugar production of domestic beet sugar to 1,550,000 tons and cane sugar to 260,000 tons. The Secretary of Agriculture is authorized to fix quotas for insular areas and for Cuba, based on an average of any three years’ production between 1925 and 1933.
The Federal Tariff Commission announces a tariff cut of from 2 to 1.5 cents a pound on Cuban sugar and from 2.5 to 1.87 cents on sugar from other countries, effective June 8.
The Governor-General appoints Miguel Unson, former secretary of finance, president of the National Development Company vice Carlos Young, resigned.
May 10.—The President signs the revenue bill providing for heavier taxes on the higher incomes, gifts, estate transfers, corporations, and personal holding companies, and including the tax on coconut oil. The tax on Philippine coconut oil is to be returned to the Philippine Treasury, but may not be reimbursed to the producers.
May 11.—The Governor-General declares that with the approval of the sugar act and the tax on coconut oil, the Philippine Government will not remain passive, but will continue to press for adequate protection of the industries affected. Members of his staff are studying various courses of action.
Quezon, speaking before the American Chamber of Commerce, says that the continuation of reciprocal trade relations between the United States and the Philippines are essential to the success and stability of the Philippines. He interprets the attacks on Philippine products as being due to a well-organized propaganda campaign and urges an educational campaign to counteract this, as Philippine products do not actually compete with American products, “If I can speak for my people, I want to say that I hope that not only the Americans but foreigners who have invested in the Philippines will keep their investments here. Where is the country that offers a better opportunity in the way of rapid development? I am positive that under the government of the commonwealth and the government of the Philippine Republic, when established, foreign capital here will receive due consideration. . . . I know that your government is not going to let the Philippines go to the dogs. They have a great, sincere, sentimental attachment for the people of these Islands. They feel proud of the work they have done. I am positive that they will stand by us. You gentlemen, are the only ones that can injure yourselves. If you get panicky and begin to doubt everything and export your money, you of course are going to suffer from that. But if you have faith in your government and your people, as I have faith in your government and people, and as I have faith in my government and people, I am sure that nothing will happen that will stop the onward march and the progress of this country”. H. M. Cavender, president of the Chamber, stated in his introductory speech: “Americans do not want to go out of business in the Philippines. They will not go out of business unless it becomes apparent that conditions external and internal are such that they can no longer carry on.”
May 12.—Secretary Vicente Singson Encarnacion and Mr. and Mrs. Jose P. Melencio return to Manila. Melencio declares that America will continue to legislate against Philippine products. Henry B. Day arrives to take charge of the problems arising from the immigration provisions in the Tydings-McDuffie Act.
The Tenth Far Eastern Championship Games open in the new million-peso Rizal Stadium in Manila, with some 500 athletes participating.
The United States
April 17.—Theodore Roosevelt, former Governor-General of the Philippines, in an address as president of the National Republican Club, denounces President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s régime as “reactionary and un-American” and accuses him of “violating constitutional liberties”.
April 19.—Washington unofficially views the statement of Foreign Minister Koki Hirota as a continuation of efforts to create a Japanese hegemony in Asia. America has no advisers in China and American concerns have been selling airplanes in China on a purely commercial basis just as they have sold airplanes in Japan. Sen. W. E. Borah, head of the foreign affairs committee, states that “having insisted for decades on the Open Door in China, we oppose any new policy closing it.” Sen. A. Robinson states that the “policy is unjustifiable by treaties or morals, and particularly disturbing after the recent good-will exchanges”. Naval authorities consider the results of the next naval conference impaired by the disturbed public opinion.
April 20.—The situation in the Far East is considered in Washington as solidifying Anglo-American sentiment toward events there on a firmer basis than at any time since the occupation of Manchuria in 1931.
April 21.—The President signs the Bankhead cotton control bill.
The Japanese Ambassador tells the Washington press that the Japanese policy is not intended to obstruct the Open Door in China. He points to the American wheat and cotton loans, however, as having been diverted into political channels “detrimental to the peace of Asia”. He states, also, that Japan fears that the recent aviation expansion in China might be turned against Japan. “The Japanese statement has been misunderstood”.
April 23.—In another press interview, the Japanese Ambassador states that Japan considers itself the best judge of what might disturb the peace of the Orient and would not tolerate a policy on the part of “outsiders” which “might be founded on selfish motives”. He does not want to see “China violating the Open Door”, and declares that Japan will meticulously observe all agreements regarding China, but that it feels it “should be consulted by foreign powers regarding their transactions with China as Japan considers itself as being in a better position than other powers to correctly interpret potential commercial and other relations between China and the rest of the world.”
The United States fleet on its way from the Pacific to the Atlantic, without previous warning, undertakes tactical maneuvers to determine how rapidly the entire fleet can be moved through the Panama Canal. Commercial traffic is tied up and a censorship established.
April 24.—In the absence of Secretary of State Cordell Hull, Under-Secretary William R. Phillips asks the Japanese Ambassador for an official explanation of the various newspaper reports regarding Japanese policy. Considerable annoyance is indicated in official circles with the manner in which Japan has issued its statements, making them through the press with no effort to contact officials.
The United States and Mexico sign an agreement settling the chief diplomatic questions that have existed between the two countries, some of them dating as far back as 1867.
April 25.—State Department officials confer with the representatives of the various parties to the Nine-Power Pacific Treaty which declares that the signatories will “refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of subjects or citizens of friendly states, and from countenancing action inimical to the security of such states.”
President Roosevelt indicates that he will shortly submit a $1,500,000,000 appropriation bill to provide funds for the initial construction under the Vinson navy building act.
April 26.—The fleet of 111 vessels passed through the canal in 47 hours under limited speed and it is said could in an emergency cut the time to 40 hours. Secretary of the Navy Claude Swanson calls it a “remarkable performance” as it had been believed it would take two or three days. Japanese newspapers are calling the maneuver a failure inasmuch as it was not accomplished in 24 hours. The canal was heavily guarded and a smaller force will remain indefinitely. The fleet will remain at Colon until May 4 when maneuvers in the Caribbean start.
Secretary of State Cordell Hull publishes the details of a communication to Tokyo bluntly declining to recognize Japan’s self-assumed right to scrutinize foreign loans to China and declining to consult with Japan before extending financial or other assistance to China. “It is the opinion of the American people and Government that no nation can without the assent of other nations concerned rightfully endeavor to make conclusive its will in situations where are involved the rights, obligations, and legitimate interests of other sovereign states”. America acted independently of Britain.
May 3.—William H. Woodin, whose illness caused him to relinquish his post as Secretary of the Treasury some time ago, dies in New York, aged 66.
May 5.—Attorney-General Homer S. Cummings rules that Britain, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Latvia, and Lithuania will not be classed as defaulters under the Johnson Act because they had made token payments. Cummings remarked to newsmen that Russia is a defaulter under the Act as it has not paid the debts of the previous governments of Russia.
The Fleet leaves Panama for the Caribbean where maneuvers will begin off Guatanamo Bay on the 10th.
May 6.—Russian resentment is expressed over the statement that the Russian Government is in default. Prospects of trade with Russia are dwindling.
May 7.—The Russian Ambassador calls at the State Department and protests against Cumming’s interpretation of the Johnson foreign loan act, and the Department thereafter issues a statement to the effect that the Russo-Japanese debt situation is unchanged by this interpretation.
Samuel Insull, former Chicago utilities magnate who has led the life of a fugitive for many months, is arrested in New York immediately on his arrival and taken to Chicago under heavy guard. He was indicted in connection with the fall of his $2,000,000,000 utilities combine in 1932 and was extradited from Turkey.
May 9.—The President declares that the United States stand for the collection of war debts is unchanged, but that hearings will be granted to those nations in distress who ask for reductions in the semi-annual payments.
May 12.—Reported that the United States has notified Britain that a token payment instead of the full June installment on the war debt would be regarded as evidence of default.
The entire west coast is tied up by a strike of over 10,000 longshoremen who are demanding shorter hours and higher wages, and disorders are reported from various cities.
April 17.—The French cabinet orders Leon Trotzky, exiled Russian leader who has been living at Barbizon, to leave France because of his efforts to organize a world revolution which “violated political neutrality”.
April 18.—A Japanese Foreign Office spokesman discloses that Foreign Minister Koki Hirota has communicated to Japanese Minister Arika Ariyoshi at Nanking a restatement of Japan’s policy toward China under which Japan will object to any contact between China and other powers which it considers imperils “the peace of eastern Asia”. “Japan must object” to efforts of other powers either in groups or individually to assist China in any way likely to assume military or political forms. Japan must be the judge whether foreign efforts to aid China imperil the peace. Japan’s objections may take the form of “positive action” “if the other party employs force”. Ariyoshi was empowered to communicate the new policy to the Chinese Government at a proper opportunity and Japanese ambassadors will shortly be instructed to enable them to explain Japan’s position. The spokesman declines to state whether the policy is applicable to American aviation activities in China and to the American $50,000,000 wheat and cotton loan, but asserts that the presence of the German General Von Seekt at Nanking as military adviser “can not be pleasing to Japan.”
France dispatches a note to Britain stating that Germany’s attitude makes disarmament negotiations based in increased armaments for Germany impossible.
Ricardo Samper Ibañez, Republican leader, named premier yesterday, completes a cabinet.
April 19.—The Peiping Chronicle states “Here entirely naked is Japan’s bid for overlordship of the entire Orient. It is a direct embargo on any attempt of China to defend itself and a challenge to the rest of the world to dare afford help to this end.” The Chinese Government remains silent. The Japanese announcement stirs world capitals and opposition leaders in the House of Commons demand that the British Government make a statement. British leaders state that the Japanese fear that the powers will seize special influence in China is unwarranted. (For American comment, see under “The United States”.) A Japanese spokesman declares there are “numerous rumors” that foreign powers are assisting China with loans to buy airplanes and build airdromes. He admits the Foreign Office is not advised of specific instances, and states that the Japanese Government does not intend to send notes to China, the United States, or other powers unless conditions make this desirable. If China desires further information, the Japanese minister at Nanking will explain.
April 20.—Nanking declares unofficially that “no state has the right to claim exclusive responsibility for maintaining peace in any part of the world. Foreign loans and technical assistance have been strictly non-political. The purchase of military equipment and airplanes and the employment of military instructors have been solely for the purpose of national defense and chiefly for the purpose of maintaining internal peace. No nation which does not harbor ulterior motives need fear China’s policy.”
League of Nations officials state that Japan is opposed to League plans for the reconstruction of China which are non-political and include the extension only of technical advice on the development of communications, education, public hygiene, flood control, etc.
British officials state unofficially that Britain will stand by the treaties affecting China, including the open door, and will resist any attempts to override them if challenged.
April 21.—In official circles in Paris it is stated that France assumes that Japan does not refer to French Indo-China in its mention of foreign influences in eastern Asia. Criticism of Japan is outspoken in the Italian parliament and it is suggested that European nations present a united front. The Russian press considers the Tokyo statement a serious impetus to the danger of war in the Orient.
A general strike is declared in Spain.
April 22.—Premier Gaston Doumergue tells a representative of Premier Benito Mussolini that France refuses to approve German rearmament or to restrict its own arms while military preparations continue in Germany.
April 23.—The Japanese Consul General at Geneva tells the press that Japan will oppose various forms of foreign aid to China “under whatever guise” which may disturb the peace, and confirms that the Japanese attitude affects the plans of the League of Nations. “Japan will act in close collaboration with other Asiatic powers, and such countries as Siam and the Philippines should be considered as participating in the responsibilities for peace in the Orient.”
Foreign Minister Sir John Simon tells the House of Commons that he has communicated with Japan requesting that it clarify its position.
Britain and Italy begin conversations aimed at an agreement on policies for the reorganization of the League of Nations.
Disorder and riots between rightists and leftists continue in Spain and a number of churches are set afire.
April 24.—Minister of Finance H. H. Kung denies the Japanese charge that the American wheat and cotton loans are used for political purposes.
President Niceto Alcala Zamora signs the amnesty law passed by the Cortes last week freeing some 8000 political prisoners, mostly rightists. The act is opposed by the Socialists and other leftists.
April 25.—The Spanish cabinet resigns as a result of a difference with President Zamora over the amnesty act.
April 26.—The Chinese Government declares that China will not allow any country “to meddle in its domestic policies” and reminds Japan that China is a member of the League of Nations and obtained aid from the League before Japan withdrew. China wants the assistance of the League rather than that of any particular country as the latter “might violate the policy of the Open Door.”
Reported from Geneva that Japan may attempt to block the League’s ten-year reconstruction plan in China unless the powers recognize Manchukuo.
Reported that the British Ambassador at Tokyo has told Hirota that Britain would maintain all its treaty rights with China and support all its obligations under the multilateral treaties such as the Nine-Power Pact.
April 27.—A Chinese official states that Japan has completed plans for occupying the whole of western Inner Mongolia by means of a motorized force and that this move could be accomplished within a fortnight.
Source: University of Michigan
Hartendorp, A. V. H. (Ed.). (1934). News Summary. Philippine Magazine, 31(6), 220-224. Retrieved from https://archive.org/stream/acd5869.0038.001.umich.edu#page/n5/mode/2up.